| June 21, 2008 | Saturday | Jamadi-us-Sani 16, 1429 |
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A state in denial
JUST as Dr A.Q. Khan was back in the limelight in Pakistan, and there were indications that he might be freed after five years under house arrest, reports in the western media have again surfaced, tying him to the notorious proliferation network he is alleged to have set up.
At the heart of the latest revelations are the designs for miniaturised atomic warheads that have been found on the hard disks of computers in the possession of a Swiss family that was allegedly working with Khan. The ‘father of the Pakistani bomb’ has denied any link to this design, but it is doubtful that he will be allowed to get off the hook so easily. Newspaper reports suggest that western governments will exert pressure to ensure that Khan is kept in custody. There is continuing concern that in case he is freed, he will return to selling nuclear secrets to all comers, including terrorists.
Many Pakistanis see Khan as a national hero, forgetting all the other scientists who laboured for years to build the bomb. In their eyes, this western preoccupation with the ‘Khan nuclear network’ is yet another example of selective criticism. Why, they ask, doesn’t the West pick on Israel and India? The answer lies in the fact that scientists in neither country have figured in the kind of scandal Khan did.
This is just one instance of the state of denial that colours our response to criticism. When radical Muslims from all over the world travel to Pakistan to receive training in bomb-making, and indoctrination in extremist interpretations of Islam, we hold up our hands and claim we are not responsible. Never mind that these training camps are located within our borders, and those running them are well known to our intelligence agencies. When graduates from these camps kill and maim innocent people in the West, we wash our hands of all responsibility.
Similarly, when drugs were a major export from Pakistan, we conveniently blamed the addicts for pushing up demand and prices in the West. When illegal immigrants from Pakistan cross borders all over the world, we claim we can do nothing to halt this traffic. And when supporters of the Taliban cross over into Afghanistan, or when jihadis traverse the Line of Control into Indian Kashmir with or without the connivance of our intelligence agencies, we pretend complete ignorance.
All these examples I have cited underline the failure of the state to impose the law of the land on its citizens. In some cases, such as the A.Q. Khan episode, the state turns a blind eye, or is an active partner. Ditto for those crossing international borders to commit mayhem in neighbouring areas. But the problem is that by making exceptions in certain cases, the state itself weakens the rule of law. Once border guards and intelligence agencies are told they must let certain groups cross borders without proper documents, the same state functionaries will then indulge in private enterprise and let drugs, arms and illegal migrants through as well.
When the state itself becomes a major law-breaker, we should not be surprised when others follow suit, not for any grand policy, but to make money. So if a scientist is instructed to secretly aid another country in its nuclear programme, why should we be shocked if he decides to do some lucrative freelance work? In Khan’s case, it was common knowledge that he was running a consultancy service out of Dubai long before his alleged network was rolled up in 2004. His lifestyle and his extensive properties were totally out of proportion to his government salary.
Despite Pakistan’s role in the war against terror, it is widely regarded as the hub of Islamic terrorism. Time and again in trials of militants in the West, it has emerged that they had travelled to Pakistan to receive training and indoctrination. Despite this vast mountain of evidence, we remain in denial, unwilling or unable to grasp that we have become virtual pariahs around the world.
But if we have become a lawless society, it is because successive governments have ignored the law when it has suited them. Corrupt individuals have taken advantage of this vacuum to further their personal agendas and enrich themselves. And now, the likes of Baitullah Mehsud and Jalaluddin Haqqani, seeing that the writ of law does not extend to them, have set up their own fiefdoms from where they direct their brainwashed foot-soldiers to attack targets in Pakistan and in Afghanistan.
Is this trend irreversible? Can we claw our way out of this descending spiral? Apart from the framework of the law, society itself has succumbed to an amoral code of behaviour where only money counts. Today, drug smugglers and corrupt bureaucrats and generals are the darlings of high society because they can throw lavish parties and have money to burn. The fact that they are plugged into the system and know the right people, also gives them a standing they would not enjoy in more law-abiding countries.
Many pious Pakistanis would argue that we are at this pass because we have stopped observing the tenets of Islam. Unfortunately, many of the categories I have mentioned here pray regularly, perform Hajj, and even give to the poor. For them, this token observance guarantees a place in heaven. Indeed, some of the most corrupt and nasty people I have met were outwardly very religious.
What then is the answer? For starters, we need to clear up the confusion on what the law of the land actually is. Currently, we seem to have a surplus of laws: there is civil law that derives from the much-amended constitution; there is a version of Islamic law that is now demanded and imposed in places like Swat, Malakand, and the tribal areas; and then there is tribal law itself. In this plethora of laws and legal systems, it is easy to seek recourse to whichever system suits a person best. Thus, when the Taliban say that there are no national borders in Islam, they are taking advantage of the confusion that exists today.
Above all, political will is essential to lay down the law. Before any government can lay claim to the moral high ground, it must respect the law.
irfan.husain@gmail.com
