| November 15, 2008 | Saturday | Ziqa'ad 16, 1429 |
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The purpose of power
BY now, even his most bitter detractors have come to respect Asif Zardari’s political skills. In the space of less than a year, he has rid us of Musharraf, marginalised the lawyers’ movement, sidelined Nawaz Sharif, and got himself elected to the highest office in the land.
Clearly, this is a street-smart operator who knows how to use events to his advantage.
But politics is not just about rising to the top: ultimately, it is about using this power effectively. Asif Zardari has yet to demonstrate that he is as good at making judicious use of his political capital as he was at acquiring it. True, he has put his weight behind the military operations being conducted against terrorists in Fata and Swat. But beyond this, one cannot discern any clear-cut direction his government is following.
We have heard a number of vague promises, but there is little that is solid by way of specific policy directives. Granted, there is an economic crisis to overcome, and inflation is gnawing at the well-being of millions of Pakistanis. In such a situation, the least our leaders can do is to show a modicum of restraint in public spending on frivolities. Unfortunately, this is not reflected in the cabinet expansion we have just witnessed.
For defenders of the government to claim that the present number of ministers is less than those anointed by the Musharraf-Aziz-Chaudhry combine is to say that the previous regime was the gold standard the present government wants to be compared with. Surely we have the right to expect better from an elected government that has come into being after many sacrifices, Benazir Bhutto’s assassination not the least among them.
Quite apart from the resources squandered on this ministerial horde, there is the larger question of image and perceptions. If a country like the United States can be run by a federal cabinet of 16 or so ministers (called ‘secretaries’ in America), we hardly need four times that number here. Granted, ours is a system of political patronage where individuals, parties and groups have to be kept happy through ministerial appointments, together with all the perks that go with them. But it was not seemly to induct a bloated cabinet at a time when the whole world is tightening its belt; when Baloch quake victims are freezing in makeshift shelters; and when emissaries including the president are travelling the world with a begging bowl. By expanding the cabinet to accommodate some decidedly unsavoury characters you would not invite to your home, he has exposed the paucity of talent available to him.
If the cabinet expansion was unseemly, how about the recent junket to Saudi Arabia in which over 200 freeloaders hitched a ride? We are told by official spokespersons that the expenses were personally paid by Asif Zardari. We are aware of his reputation of being a ‘friend’s friend’ (yaron ka yaar), but even Bill Gates might draw the line at being presented such a staggering bill. And of course this kind of personal extravagance raises the question of where this money came from. I’m sure Zardari would be happier to put this line of questioning behind him, rather than have it reopened by splashing out on this scale so publicly.
Another decision to raise eyebrows is the current floor on trading at the stock exchange. This artificial (and utterly futile) device prevents share prices falling below a certain arbitrary level. Most share prices around the world are falling, reflecting the global economic crisis. So why should our bourses be shielded from this storm?
The argument against this kind of boneheaded intervention is that whenever this floor is removed, prices will plummet, instead of going down in a series of trading sessions where traders can bail out if they want to. At present, the impression is that the whole exercise is designed to protect certain big punters and brokers from huge losses. And this in turn reinforces the perception that there is a quid pro quo.
Although Zardari is supporting the ongoing fight against the deadly jihadi threat, his government has not done a very good job explaining what is at stake, and exactly whom the army is fighting. The resulting confusion has caused unnecessary ambiguity that is reflected in the media. For the first time since 1965, I find myself supporting our army as soldiers fight and die to keep the Taliban at bay. At the same time, I am appalled that so many Pakistanis are questioning the whole operation, and criticising the army.
A few days ago, reporters from The New York Times filed a long story about the difficulties our army is encountering in its war. A huge, sophisticated tunnel complex in Bajaur was described to explain why it had been necessary to call in artillery and fighter-bombers. And while the report covered the plight of the civilians displaced by the fighting, readers were able to understand why heavy weapons had been needed. The story had been made possible because the army took a number of foreign reporters into the battle zone. Surely the officers at the Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) should be conducting a similar PR exercise for local journalists.
As we find ourselves in the embarrassing (but familiar) situation of begging for a bailout, it would help if potential donors knew that their assistance would be a one-off injection, rather than a permanent life-support drip infusion. They can best be convinced of this if they are presented with a road map of where we are headed, and how we intend to cut unproductive expenditure. What they are seeing instead is an economy in free fall; a civil war being fought with lukewarm support; an unwieldy government that lurches from crisis to crisis; and a bloated, inefficient and corrupt bureaucracy.
If this image of a banana republic is to change, an example must be set at the top. Asif Zardari has, against expectations, emerged as a credible, shrewd politician. In some ways, he has had power, if not greatness, thrust upon him. But he needs to divest himself of some of the freeloaders who have homed in on Islamabad after his elevation. Above all, he needs to get serious about governance.
irfan.husain@gmail.com
